1776 Page #5

Well, then I suggest you

sever your ties immediately.

But please be kind enough to leave

the rest of us where we are.

For myself,

I have no objection at all

to being part of the

greatest empire on Earth,

to enjoying its protection

and sharing its benefits.

Benefits?

What benefits?

Crippling taxes?

Cruel repressions?

Abolished rights?

Is that all England

means to you, sir?

Is that all the pride and

affection you can muster

for the nation that bore you?

For the noblest, most civilized

nation on the face of this planet?

Well, would you have us forsake

Hastings and Magna Carta,

Strongbow and Lionheart,

Drake and Marlborough,

Tudors, Stuarts

and Plantagenets?

For what, sir?

Well, tell me. For what?

For you?

Some men are patriots,

like General Washington,

and some are anarchists,

like Mr. Paine.

Some even are internationalists,

like Dr. Franklin.

But you, sir...

You are merely an agitator,

disturbing the peace,

creating disorder, endangering

the public welfare.

And for what?

Your petty little

personal complaints.

Your taxes are too high.

Well, sir, so are mine.

Come, come, Mr. Adams.

If you have grievances,

and I'm sure you have,

our present system must provide

a gentler means

of redressing them

short of revolution.

Yes, that's what he wants.

Nothing less will satisfy him.

Violence, rebellion, treason.

Now, Mr. Adams,

are these

the acts of Englishmen?

Not Englishmen, Dickinson.

Americans.

No, sir. Englishmen!

Please, Mr. Dickinson,

must you start banging?

How is a man to sleep?

Forgive me, Dr. Franklin,

but must you start speaking?

How is a man to stay awake?

We'll promise to be quiet, sir.

I'm sure everyone prefers

that you remain asleep.

If I'm to hear myself

called an Englishman, sir,

I assure you I prefer

I'd remained asleep.

Oh, now, what's so terrible about

being called an Englishman?

The English don't seem to mind.

Nor would I, were I given the

full rights of an Englishman.

But to call me one without those

rights is like calling an ox a bull.

He's thankful for the honor,

but he'd much rather have

restored what's rightfully his.

When did you first notice

they were missing, sir?

Fortunately,

the people of these colonies

maintain a higher regard

for their mother country.

Higher, certainly,

than she feels for them.

Never was such

a valuable possession

so stupidly

and so recklessly managed

than this entire continent

by the British Crown.

Our industry discouraged,

our resources pillaged.

Worst of all,

our very character stifled.

We've spawned a new race here, Mr.

Dickinson.

Rougher, simpler,

more violent, more enterprising,

less refined.

We're a new nationality.

We require a new nation.

Well,

that may be your opinion,

Dr. Franklin,

but, as I said, the people

feel quite differently.

Now, what do you know

about the people, Dickinson?

You don't speak for the people.

You represent only yourself.

And that precious status quot

you keep imploring the people

to preserve for their own good

is nothing more than the eternal

preservation of your own property.

Mr. Adams,

you have an annoying talent

for making such delightful words

as "property" sound

quite distasteful.

In heaven's name,

what's wrong with property?

Perhaps you've forgotten that many

of us first came to these shores

in order to secure

rights to property,

and that we hold these rights no less

dear than the rights you speak of.

Yes. So safe, so fat,

so comfortable in Pennsylvania.

And what is this

independence of yours

except the private grievance

of Massachusetts?

Why is it always Boston

that breaks the King's peace?

My dear Congress, you must

not adopt this evil measure.

It is the work of the devil.

Leave it where it belongs.

In New England.

Brother Dickinson,

New England has been

fighting the devil

for more than 100 years.

And as of now, Brother Sherman,

the devil has been

winning hands down.

Why, at this very moment, he's

sitting right here in this Congress.

Don't let him deceive you. This

proposal is entirely his doing.

It may bear Virginia's name,

but it reeks of Adams,

Adams and more Adams.

Look at him.

Ready to lead this continent

down the fiery path

of total destruction.

Oh, good God! Why can't you

acknowledge what already exists?

It has been more than a year

since Concord and Lexington.

Damn it, man,

we're at war, right now!

You may be at war.

You, Boston and John Adams.

But you will never

speak for Pennsylvania.

Nor for Delaware.

Mr. Read, you represent

only one-third of Delaware.

The sensible third,

Mr. Rodney.

Sit down, you scurvy dog,

or I'll knock you down.

Sit down, all three of you!

McNair, do something

about that damn dog!

And here, fetch me a rum.

Get that dog first!

Rum, rum!

I only got two hands.

Christ, it's hot!

Please do go on, gentlemen.

You're making the only breeze

in Philadelphia.

Mr. Adams,

perhaps you could

clear up something for me?

After we have

achieved independence,

who do you propose would

govern in South Carolina?

The people, of course.

Which people, sir?

The people of South Carolina

or the people of Massachusetts?

Why don't you admit it, Neddy?

You're against independence

now and you always will be.

Aye.

Gentlemen,

you refuse to understand us.

We desire independence. Yes.

For South Carolina.

That is our country.

And as such, we don't

wish to belong to anyone.

Not to England and not to you.

We intend to have

one nation, Rutledge.

A nation of

sovereign states, Mr. Adams.

United for our

mutual protection,

but separate for

our individual pursuits.

Now, that is what

we have understood it to be,

and that is what

we will support.

As soon as everyone supports it.

Well, there you are,

Mr. Adams.

You must see that we need time.

Time to make certain who we are

and where we stand

in regard to one another.

For if we do not determine the nature

of the beast before we set it free,

it will end by consuming us all.

For once in your life, Wilson,

take a chance.

I say the time is now.

It may never come again.

Your clock is fast,

Mr. Adams.

I say we're not yet ripe

for independence.

Not ripe? Hell, we're

rotting for want of it.

Gentlemen, please, what in God's

name is the infernal hurry?

Why must this question

be settled now?

What's wrong with now,

Mr. Chase?

General Washington

is in the field.

If he's defeated,

as it now appears,

we'll be inviting the hangman.

But if, by some miracle,

he should actually win,

we can then declare

anything we damn please.

The sentiments of

North Carolina precisely.

Has it ever

occurred to either of you

that an army needs something

to fight for in order to win?

A purpose? A goal?

A flag of its own?

Mr. Adams,

how can a nation of

only 2 million souls

stand up to an empire

of 10 million?

Think of it. 10 million.

How do we compensate

for that shortage?

It's simple, Mr. Chase.

Increase and multiply.

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