Rabin, the Last Day Page #11

Synopsis: Itzhak Rabin's murder ended all efforts of peace, and with him the whole left wing of Israel died. The movie shows the last of his days as prime minister, and what led to his murder.
Genre: Drama, History
Director(s): Amos Gitai
  4 wins & 4 nominations.
 
IMDB:
5.8
Metacritic:
66
NOT RATED
Year:
2015
153 min
16 Views


by the radical fringes.

This is the emblem.

People managed to remove

the emblem from the car,

and this emblem symbolizes the fact

that just as we got to this emblem

we can get to Rabin.

Mr. Rabin, how does it feel

now that almost all

of your contact with the public

takes place under heavy security,

more and more policemen and security guards

separating you from the public?

I know that sedition is

running rampant, verbal violence,

violence on the Israeli street.

If there's violence in the Knesset,

verbal violence,

there is violence in the street,

violence on the roads.

I saw the demonstration

in Jerusalem

where I appeared

in a picture of a Gestapo agent

and I saw a Knesset member,

a former Likud minister,

David Levy,

driven away by an incited crowd.

I saw the violence

in front of the Knesset.

Knesset member and Likud Chairman

Benjamin Netanyahu contacted me

before I left for the US for a meeting.

I came home one Friday afternoon

and I saw a demonstration.

Likud signs, people shouting,

Traitor! Murderer!

I said it would be foolish of me...

to play the Likud chairman's

hypocritical game.

He sat there and spoke

in front of pictures of the Gestapo.

He suggests that we meet,

and he holds demonstrations.

- Won't you try to stop the radicals?

- I don't trust him.

- It'll get worse until the elections.

- That's possible,

if the Likud decides to.

- We aren't creating the violence.

- You're the prime minister.

I can't use coercion

except as the law allows.

If the prime minister is here

I'll ask him to come in.

I'm personally asking

the prime minister to come in.

I'm asking him to come in.

I'm personally asking

the prime minister to come in.

No. Don't do this to me!

Look what you're doing,

you're carrying on -

what you did outside.

These are the results.

Pardon me, sir.

If he can talk, can't I?

Certainly. Absolutely.

Please do, Mr. Prime Minister.

I wish you would.

No. And we'll conclude with this.

Sir, he's the prime minister

and he'll say whatever he wants.

Excuse me.

I'm not asking -

Don't interrupt the prime minister.

I'm not asking to speak

from the podium.

The phenomenon of incitement...

under the heading

of preventing a national schism...

is nothing new.

- It has existed -

- Don't interrupt. We didn't interrupt you.

- Has existed -

- Don't interrupt!

- But you also did -

- Excuse me, Deputy Alon,

don't interrupt the prime minister.

Look what you're doing.

You're repeating a syndrome

that manifests outside later.

You don't let him speak here

and that's how it starts.

- This isn't -

- Let him speak!

- This is nothing new.

- Let him speak like you let Netanyahu!

- This is nothing new.

- Let him speak!

- I repeat.

- Have a little respect.

This is not a new phenomenon.

It's now disguised

as national unity,

and in the guise of national unity

people use expressions

that only lead to schism

and I suggest

you stop the hypocrisy.

WE LIVE UNDER:

A BLOODY ADMINISTRATION

WHO'S NEXT IN LINE?

RABIN, ARE YOU NEXT IN LINE?

People who put Jewish lives

in danger,

according to Jewish law,

their lives are forfeit.

He shot at Jews in the iAltalena incident.

Rabin himself.

He'll get shot in the head

by a Jew.

If you'd asked him that morning...

that Saturday,

if he considered the possibility

that he could be harmed,

the answer would be no. Never.

He was unworried and confident

and he certainly wouldn't agree

to wear a bulletproof vest.

He was absolutely confident

in terms of his personal safety.

And I have to admit that I was too.

I trusted the people guarding him

and it never occurred to me

in my wildest dreams

that such a thing could happen,

that such a thing would happen.

Although there were

warning signs here and there...

it didn't occur to us

and we refused to consider it.

We didn't believe

such a thing was possible,

that the most insane, cruel,

incomprehensible thing

could actually happen.

That's why I'm angry,

if I'm angry at all -

and I do put thought

and effort into it -

at the school of thought

that produced this negative element...

and preached such things

and the political group

that called Yitzhak murderer

for so long.

Murderer and traitor,

saying that he didn't know

where he was leading the people.

And that's how they led the way...

in such a way that

it produced the element

that could understand things that way,

that if he really was

a murderer and a traitor

who was selling Israeli land,

then Israeli land is more sacred

than this man's life

and it's a commandment to murder him.

I can't even get angry.

There's no anger in me.

It's beyond me.

I can't get angry.

I can only feel sorrow.

This committee,

which it was my honor to lead,

was not appointed

to investigate the factors

that led to the social and political

culture that led to the assassination.

It was not asked to offer its opinion

on the circumstances

that led to the assassination.

That is not the role

of an investigative committee.

The committee was restricted by law

to examining the functioning

of the people and the systems

responsible

for the prime minister's safety.

This report does not exempt

Israeli society

from its obligation to conduct

a thorough investigation...

and to try to answer the question

of how we reached the point

of the assassination

of an Israeli PM by an extremist...

and how violence turned into a means

of solving political conflicts.

This investigation should be conducted

by society as a whole

and the educational institutions

in particular.

Since the establishment

of the State of Israel,

its strength has lain in the essential balance

between fostering its power

and the moral restrictions it took on.

Israel's pride as the only democracy

in the Middle East lay,

among other things,

in the fact that negative phenomena

such as political murder

do not exist

in its social and political culture.

Three gunshots

on November 4, 1995,

totally changed these axioms.

Israel after the assassination

of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin,

may he rest in peace,

will never be the same.

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Amos Gitai

Amos Gitai (Hebrew: עמוס גיתאי‎; born October 1950) is an Israeli filmmaker, mainly known for making documentaries and feature films, surrounding the Middle East and Israeli–Arab conflict. Gitai's work was presented in several major retrospectives in Pompidou Center Paris, the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) New York, Lincoln Center New York, and the British Film Institute London. To date Amos Gitai has created over 90 works of art throughout 38 years. Between 1999 and 2017 ten of his films were entered in the Cannes Film Festival for the Palme d'Or as well as the Venice Film Festival for the Golden Lion award. He has worked with Juliette Binoche, Jeanne Moreau, Natalie Portman, Yael Abecassis, Samuel Fuller, Hanna Schygulla, Annie Lennox, Barbara Hendricks, Léa Seydoux, Valeria Bruni Tedeschi, Henri Alekan, Renato Berta, Nurith Aviv, Éric Gautier and more. Since 2000 he has collaborated with the French filmmaker Marie-José Sanselme. He received several prestigious prizes, in particular the Leopard of Honor at the Locarno International Film Festival (2008), the Roberto Rossellini prize (2005), the Robert Bresson prize (2013), the Paradjanov prize (2014), and Légion d'Honneur (2017). Gitai was born in Haifa and divides his time today between Paris and Haifa. more…

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Submitted on August 05, 2018

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    "Rabin, the Last Day" Scripts.com. STANDS4 LLC, 2024. Web. 24 Dec. 2024. <https://www.scripts.com/script/rabin,_the_last_day_16501>.

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