Rabin, the Last Day Page #11
- NOT RATED
- Year:
- 2015
- 153 min
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by the radical fringes.
This is the emblem.
People managed to remove
the emblem from the car,
and this emblem symbolizes the fact
that just as we got to this emblem
we can get to Rabin.
Mr. Rabin, how does it feel
now that almost all
of your contact with the public
takes place under heavy security,
more and more policemen and security guards
separating you from the public?
I know that sedition is
running rampant, verbal violence,
violence on the Israeli street.
If there's violence in the Knesset,
verbal violence,
there is violence in the street,
violence on the roads.
I saw the demonstration
in Jerusalem
where I appeared
in a picture of a Gestapo agent
and I saw a Knesset member,
a former Likud minister,
David Levy,
driven away by an incited crowd.
I saw the violence
in front of the Knesset.
Knesset member and Likud Chairman
Benjamin Netanyahu contacted me
before I left for the US for a meeting.
I came home one Friday afternoon
and I saw a demonstration.
Likud signs, people shouting,
Traitor! Murderer!
I said it would be foolish of me...
to play the Likud chairman's
hypocritical game.
He sat there and spoke
in front of pictures of the Gestapo.
He suggests that we meet,
and he holds demonstrations.
- Won't you try to stop the radicals?
- I don't trust him.
- It'll get worse until the elections.
- That's possible,
if the Likud decides to.
- We aren't creating the violence.
- You're the prime minister.
I can't use coercion
except as the law allows.
If the prime minister is here
I'll ask him to come in.
I'm personally asking
the prime minister to come in.
I'm asking him to come in.
I'm personally asking
the prime minister to come in.
No. Don't do this to me!
Look what you're doing,
you're carrying on -
what you did outside.
These are the results.
Pardon me, sir.
If he can talk, can't I?
Certainly. Absolutely.
Please do, Mr. Prime Minister.
I wish you would.
No. And we'll conclude with this.
Sir, he's the prime minister
and he'll say whatever he wants.
Excuse me.
I'm not asking -
Don't interrupt the prime minister.
I'm not asking to speak
from the podium.
The phenomenon of incitement...
under the heading
of preventing a national schism...
is nothing new.
- It has existed -
- Don't interrupt. We didn't interrupt you.
- Has existed -
- Don't interrupt!
- But you also did -
don't interrupt the prime minister.
Look what you're doing.
You're repeating a syndrome
that manifests outside later.
You don't let him speak here
and that's how it starts.
- This isn't -
- Let him speak!
- This is nothing new.
- Let him speak like you let Netanyahu!
- This is nothing new.
- Let him speak!
- I repeat.
- Have a little respect.
This is not a new phenomenon.
It's now disguised
as national unity,
and in the guise of national unity
people use expressions
that only lead to schism
and I suggest
you stop the hypocrisy.
WE LIVE UNDER:
A BLOODY ADMINISTRATION
People who put Jewish lives
in danger,
according to Jewish law,
their lives are forfeit.
He shot at Jews in the iAltalena incident.
Rabin himself.
He'll get shot in the head
by a Jew.
If you'd asked him that morning...
that Saturday,
if he considered the possibility
that he could be harmed,
the answer would be no. Never.
He was unworried and confident
and he certainly wouldn't agree
to wear a bulletproof vest.
He was absolutely confident
in terms of his personal safety.
And I have to admit that I was too.
I trusted the people guarding him
and it never occurred to me
in my wildest dreams
that such a thing could happen,
that such a thing would happen.
Although there were
warning signs here and there...
it didn't occur to us
and we refused to consider it.
We didn't believe
such a thing was possible,
that the most insane, cruel,
incomprehensible thing
could actually happen.
That's why I'm angry,
if I'm angry at all -
and I do put thought
and effort into it -
at the school of thought
that produced this negative element...
and preached such things
and the political group
for so long.
Murderer and traitor,
saying that he didn't know
where he was leading the people.
And that's how they led the way...
in such a way that
it produced the element
that could understand things that way,
that if he really was
a murderer and a traitor
who was selling Israeli land,
then Israeli land is more sacred
than this man's life
and it's a commandment to murder him.
I can't even get angry.
There's no anger in me.
It's beyond me.
I can't get angry.
I can only feel sorrow.
This committee,
which it was my honor to lead,
was not appointed
to investigate the factors
that led to the social and political
culture that led to the assassination.
It was not asked to offer its opinion
on the circumstances
that led to the assassination.
That is not the role
of an investigative committee.
The committee was restricted by law
to examining the functioning
of the people and the systems
responsible
for the prime minister's safety.
This report does not exempt
Israeli society
from its obligation to conduct
a thorough investigation...
and to try to answer the question
of how we reached the point
of the assassination
of an Israeli PM by an extremist...
and how violence turned into a means
of solving political conflicts.
This investigation should be conducted
by society as a whole
and the educational institutions
in particular.
Since the establishment
of the State of Israel,
its strength has lain in the essential balance
between fostering its power
and the moral restrictions it took on.
Israel's pride as the only democracy
in the Middle East lay,
among other things,
in the fact that negative phenomena
such as political murder
do not exist
in its social and political culture.
Three gunshots
on November 4, 1995,
totally changed these axioms.
Israel after the assassination
of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin,
may he rest in peace,
will never be the same.
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