The Sorrow and the Pity Page #3

Synopsis: From 1940 to 1944, France's Vichy government collaborated with Nazi Germany. Marcel Ophüls mixes archival footage with 1969 interviews of a German officer and of collaborators and resistance fighters from Clermont-Ferrand. They comment on the nature, details and reasons for the collaboration, from anti-Semitism, xenophobia, and fear of Bolsheviks, to simple caution. Part one, "The Collapse," includes an extended interview with Pierre Mendès-France, jailed for anti-Vichy action and later France's Prime Minister. At the heart of part two, "The Choice," is an interview with Christian de la Mazière, one of 7,000 French youth to fight on the eastern front wearing German uniforms.
Director(s): Marcel Ophüls
Production: Cinema 5 Distributing
  Nominated for 1 Oscar. Another 6 wins & 1 nomination.
 
IMDB:
8.3
Rotten Tomatoes:
100%
PG
Year:
1969
251 min
189 Views


Zepp Dietrich, division commander,

declared victory on Jaude Square,

as his troops polished their boots

in front of the locals,

before heading off to new victories.

The Germans didn't return

to Clermont until November 1942.

Our aim now is to take

the arms depot in Etienne.

n entire infantry regiment has

simply surrendered.

t first, I did the same as everyone.

I hadn't understood.

On the morning of June 24,

the lieutenant declared that

Marshal Ptain had requested an armistice.

I knew what he meant by armistice,

but I wasn't sure about "Marshal."

I was never particularly

in favor of Ptain's regime.

Nonetheless,

like the other 40,000,000 Frenchmen

who experienced that same moment,

when I saw the rout, when I saw

that the Germans were in Biarritz,

and that France had been

completely invaded,

I thought, like everyone else,

"Will anyone be able

to end this massacre?"

People of France, as requested

by the President of the Republic,

I shall henceforth be the leader

of the French government.

Convinced of the affection

of our admirable army,

whose heroism stands as testimony

to our long military tradition

as they fight an enemy

which outnumbers them,

convinced that our army's resistance

has fulfilled our duty towards our allies,

convinced of the support

pledged by the former soldiers I led,

convinced of the French people's

faith in me,

I give France the gift of myself,

to ease its troubles.

In these difficult times,

I think of the poor refugees,

who, in the depths of despair,

trudge across our roads.

I extend my compassion

and concern for them.

My heart is heavy as I tell you today

that the fight must end.

Last night, I spoke with our adversary

and asked if they were prepared

to help me, between soldiers,

after the fight, with honor intact,

to find a way to end the hostilities.

From the Fhrer headquarters

a historical piece of news:

The prime minister

of the new French government, Ptain

has declared,

in a broadcast to the French people,

that France should lay down its arms.

Of course, I was happy to hear we'd won.

The defeat gave me the same feeling

I would get when I played rugby.

I don't like losing,

especially when it's 60 to 0.

I hate drawn-out defeats.

This stone is a reminder

of the humiliation of Germany

on November 11, 1918.

Is it true

that France had given England

its word of honor

that it wouldn't agree to a separate truce?

I think we... That was before

I was a member of government.

I think we had reached an agreement

whereby neither party

would cease fighting.

-Without the other party's consent.

-Right.

But we didn't discuss that at all

when Churchill and I were there,

because we accepted

the position France had taken.

-In Briare, he said...

-That he'd accept an armistice?

No, he said we accepted the fact

that you may not be able to go on.

Nothing was said about an armistice.

It's clear that between a ceasefire

and an armistice, there's a big difference.

Exactly.

He simply said, "We understand

that you cannot go on any longer."

That was clear.

The question was quite simply,

"What are you going to do?"

I even sent Churchill a short letter

after we returned from Briare,

which has since been published,

saying that we must make

a clear distinction.

If the French can no longer fight,

that's one thing.

But if they make it easy for the enemy,

that's another.

La Madeleine. Early today in Paris,

the Fhrer made an unexpected visit.

During his tour of Paris,

he also visited this building.

Place de la Concorde.

The Arc de Triomphe.

Trocadro.

look at the Eiffel Tower.

On the Fhrer's left, Professor Speer.

One thing we should remember

is that when France agreed to an armistice,

even though we didn't want to lose,

how many Frenchmen said,

"It's well that ends well.

So much the better."

s for Marshal Ptain,

he knew what he was doing in Vichy.

In every canton and every town,

he formed what was called

the French Legion.

-The Legion of Companions.

-It was meant for us veterans

who'd fought in World War l.

Everyone, except me, went on Sundays.

I'm the only one

who never set foot in there.

It's true.

They would attend the raising

of the colors on the market place

every Sunday, wearing their hammer

and francisc. No, not hammer.

I don't mean the hammer and sickle.

What was it called again?

-The sword.

-Whatever.

They'd all been given a beret.

Can you imagine?

Of course, I never set foot there.

Not on your life.

But when I saw what happened,

I understood.

So suddenly, this old marshal

suggests an armistice

with French honor intact and so forth.

s a young Frenchman,

do you feel the defeat was justified?

Does it not disgust you?

No, defeat was the inevitable consequence

of French politics.

In fact, this was the theme

propagated by the Vichy government.

If we were defeated, they claimed,

it was because for so many years,

we had to put up with party politics,

which is the reason

France is in this situation today.

How did that phrase go?

"The parties which have

harmed us so much..."

It was... No, that's not it.

-Something about lies.

-The lies that harmed us.

Right. "I hate the lies

that have harmed us so much."

t the same time, there was

another appeal launched by de Gaulle,

an appeal which apparently

very few people in France heard.

I certainly didn't hear it.

But as a pilot,

weren't you slightly tempted to...

I imagine that a certain number of people

in the same unit as you

chose to "continue the struggle,"

as they said.

There weren't many who did.

Let's get it straight.

It's true that some people

attempted to flee to North Africa.

Later, the situation stabilized.

Not so many fled.

Did it ever cross your mind to flee?

Of course.

But I didn't think about it for long.

My father quickly made me understand

that Marshal Ptain guaranteed

a new order, renewed honor, etc.

The victor of Verdun guaranteed

France's honor

and the establishment of a new order.

This seemed not only desirable,

but necessary, to many Frenchmen.

They respected

and had faith in the Marshal.

In Clermont, the spirit of renewal filled

Pierre Laval's Le Moniteur.

Editorials sought those responsible

for defeat and found them.

"Let's be French.

"Too much foreign influence

has led to many problems."

On June 26, 1940,

in the magistrate's court,

Ren Mons was sentenced

to three months in jail for defeatism.

Editorial.

We demand that those responsible be tried

and an analysis of our problems ensue.

This quickly led to xenophobia,

Anglophobia and anti-Semitism.

Gaining French nationality became harder.

Vichy came out with the decree:

"The French elite must be restored."

On that day, July 29, 1940,

Clermont butcher Antoine Labronne

was tried

and given a large fine

for having sold rotting ham.

Did you ever speak about

what the papers said back then?

-Never.

-Never?

We were totally cut off from the world,

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Submitted on August 05, 2018

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