Jango Page #4

Synopsis: The film depicts the life and career of João Belchior Marques Goulart, known as "Jango", a leader of the Labor Party which eventually (and accidentally) became President of Brazil. Distrusted by the conservative wings and underestimated by the left, Jango defied both sides by presenting a plan for structural reforms in the nation's major problems. His intentions, however, were halted by a military coup, which found no resistance at all, and threw Brazilians into a 20 years dictatorship. This documentary tries to debate how naïf President Jango was and how the right-wing managed to win so easily.
 
IMDB:
7.7
Year:
1984
115 min
36 Views


Cancelled the agreement

with Hanna Mining Corporation,

a muItinational mining company,

and signed the rural act.

When Mr. Joo Goulart

became president of the republic,

we worked the fields

organizing peasant leagues,

peasant associations

and other associations,

to fight for agricuItural reform,

rallying for the most important claims

of poor countrymen in Brazil.

During his administration

we had more freedom

because we strengthened our organizations,

especially our unions.

The first National AgricuItural

Workers' Meeting was held,

which included all classes of

poor countrymen,

in Belo Horizonte.

In attendance during the meeting

were Mr. Magalhes Pinto

and Mr. Joo Goulart

as well as numerous senators

and federal congressmen

and other administrative

and political authorities

of the country.

Goulart was a supporter of base reforms.

AgricuItural reform, urban reform,

tax reform

So we joined this fight.

What we wanted was the participation

of rural workers

in the great mobilization process

that was going on in Brazil

beginning in 1960.

In May 1962

the government announced the intention

to amend article 1 41 of the Constitution

that determined the payment of

previous cash indemnification

for expropriation.

Without that change, agricuItural reform

would become merely a good

deal for speculators.

The ideological fight took to the streets.

Right-wing propaganda used Cuba

as a pretext to wear

its old costumes in public.

Leftists believed

in the success of the Cuban model.

Political mobilization to support

FideI Castro

extended all over Brazil.

Chief of police, Sir,

we are in a

democratic country...

We are in a country...

Chief of police, Sir,

It will be OK.

It will be OK because from now...

In Pernambuco, in the city of Caruaru,

communist leader David Capistrano,

who would suffer state-sponsored

violence come the 70s,

was facing the intolerant 60s.

Workers of Caruaru!

I call to all communist

leaders of Caruaru!

The escalating terrorist violence

would leave its mark

on the soviet expo,

that exhibited in Brazil

the new trends of the socialist world

and the new technology

of Eastern Europe.

The inquiry that looked into the attack

revealed that part of those actions

had been planned in the backrooms of

the government of Guanabara.

The list of those involved,

included the chief of the state police.

The National Union of Students

was a target of the terrorist actions

of extreme-right groups.

The anti-communist movement

gave rise to an action against

the National Union of Students with machine

guns being shot at the headquarters of UNE.

In fact, what was going on

was that in Brazil,

a fascist group was getting organized,

forming paramilitary organizations,

the right-wing was getting organized, its

activities funded by foreign organizations;

later, all that

was revealed.

All of that had a very clear purpose:

to prevent the people from

taking part in politics.

to curtaiI the participation of workers,

of the working class,

to curtaiI the participation

of rural workers,

to curtaiI the participation

of students.

Because we were actually advancing

towards increased democratization.

Economic democratization,

democratization of the land,

democratization of political power,

democratization of knowledge.

And the Brazilian upper class,

from the heights of its reactionary nature,

the large foreign groups,

large muItinational companies,

the great landowners,

the large bourgeoisie of Brazil,

could not accept

even the basic reforms

that president Jango Goulart

wanted to implement in Brazil.

The most audacious part of the

Brazilian government was its foreign policy.

Itamaraty established a

non-aligned diplomacy,

unfastening the knots that

bound the interests of the country

to the decisions that came from Washington.

The government resumed

relations with the Soviet Union,

voted against the

colonialist policy in Africa,

and supported Cuba's

right to self-determination.

The foreign policy

got stuck in the frontiers of economic dependency.

Pressure from the U.S. caused

minister Santiago Dantas to go to Washington,

where, in a cold weather,

he was to negotiate the limits of the

Brazilian foreign debt.

I believe that those days

spent with American and international

authorities in Washington

are part of the situation

I had the opportunity to announce

to the Brazilian people

before leaving Brazil

and that the resuIts of this visit will

meet the expectations of the Brazilian people.

Those are:
that BraziI has no intention

of increasing its debt immoderately

instead,

we seek to establish

conditions that will allow the

country to face its commitments

according to its paying capabilities.

Joo Goulart's trip

to the U.S. in ApriI 1962

suspended temporarily the increase

in the gap between both countries.

A priority in Jango's agenda

was to renegotiate the foreign debt.

For Kennedy, the important thing

was to redefine the political rules in Brazil.

Nationalization of U.S. companies

and the program of reforms

sounded like communism.

One week before,

governor LeoneI Brizola

expropriated in Rio Grande do Sul

the assets of Companhia Telefnica Nacional,

the Brazilian arm of lTT.

The U.S. welcomed Jango with open arms,

fearing that Brazil

could move away from the western block.

In UN, Jango explained, in person

to the international press

the meaning of the nationalizations.

The need we feIt

to talk about

the expropriation of companies,

as part of the discussions,

was caused exactly by the difficuIties

that they were creating,

at the time, in my country.

We can encourage

foreign-capital investments

if we pay fair

remuneration on their capital.

When I say " fair" ,

I wish to express

the country's ideal of justice.

It cannot yield excessive

profits either.

Profits that would lead

to very fast enrichment

in detriment of the national interest

or at the expense of

the country's economic stability.

So we wish to find a fair balance,

in which reasonable remuneration

is paid on the capital,

yielding profits,

but as a resuIt of activities that

are in the best interest of the nation,

so that the profits can also bring

about benefits for the country.

The department of state sent

two stars to Brazil.

The pale glamour of John Gavin

and the rehearsed faith

of father Patrick Peyton,

Hollywood vicar, a favorite of

9 out of 10 movie stars.

To mobilize the

middle classes,

father Peyton organized

a religious crusade under the motto:

" The family that prays together

stays together."

The purpose was to have Catholics

unite against communists.

And, at the personal request of Jango,

as press secretary,

I extended father Peyton

all kinds of courtesies,

and even gave him

television tapes

so that he could record his campaign.

The opposition transferred

the capital to Washington.

Dollar loans that had been denied

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Maurício Dias

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Submitted on August 05, 2018

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