Jango Page #7

changed by the majority forces,

by the reactionary part of PSD,

in alliance with UDN,

into an instrument against workers.

An instrument against

the labor rights that had been achieved.

Regardless of Joo Goulart's will.

After Jango arrived in Braslia

and we found out that the project

for state of emergency

had started to be amended,

to enable violations of domicile,

and allowing all of the abuses

that became commonplace after '64,

we came to the conclusion

that we'd oppose the state of emergency.

To this day I'm not sure

if that was the right decision.

To avoid defeat, Jango capitulated.

lsolated in congress,

opposed by governors

Lacerda, Magalhes and Ademar,

suffering an economic embargo on the part of

the U.S., Jango had no alternative:

he tried to mobilize the citizens

by personally raising

the flag of reform.

In January 1964,

the president revived and regulated

the law on remittance of profits,

which had been approved by the

Congress over one year before.

By March, a lunch party

held at the Military Base

and the warm welcome extended

by a number of officers

were not enough to erase

the restlessness and doubts

from the worn-out expression

of the president.

The adhesion of low-ranking

and military officers to

the nationalist governmental project

expressed the efforts of most

of the sectors of the Brazilian society

towards the construction

of a fair democracy.

The menace represented by the reforms

that threatened the Brazilian powerful,

came to life in March.

In its strategy of popular mobilization,

the government called a mass meeting

in Rio de Janeiro.

The " meeting of the Central" ,

as it was called,

was scheduled for Friday, 13th.

Everything had been carefully planned.

From amplifiers to security,

nothing could go wrong

when the president took

the message of reform to the people.

The setting for the last act

had been prepared.

March '64 was a month

of intense activity

and many concerns.

Subversive activities promoted

by the government were on the rise

and we had decided to face whatever

the government could dish out.

When the meeting on the 13th was held,

we considered that meeting

to be an intimidation,

a strike against the army. Carried out

next door to the army headquarters,

with posters that were clearly

subversive against the democratic order

That meeting deeply affected the military.

And a few days before the 13th,

one of my subordinates told me

that a group of officers were planning

to put an end to that movement

in the most violent manner possible.

I saw such an intention as alarming.

I brought the fact to the knowledge

of General Castelo Branco

at the army headquarters

and to the knowledge

of general Costa e Silva

at the department of production

and construction works.

Both of them, general Castelo

in particular,

were very concerned and said:

"but that is unacceptable!

the meeting must take place,

we should not interfere

we must stop this from happening."

It was really important that

the meeting took place.

Because we were aware that the rebellion

in the military ranks would increase

against a government that wanted

to disestablish the democracy in Brazil.

Therefore, together

with other officers,

including general Arago,

who had also been informed

of the plan,

we took action and, on the morning of the 13th,

after arriving at the headquarters,

I sought one of those officers

that were part of the group and asked:

" How's it going?

ls it settled? ls it going to happen?"

" General, no one is interfering.

There is only one I couldn't talk to."

" Go out there and talk to this 'one'

The meeting is not to sustain

any interference from us."

The immediate consequence:

the next day, in the ministry, the meeting

was all that everyone talked about

and revoIt was widespread.

So we had gained the support

of many people who, up to then,

still hadn't decided to

part ways with legality.

Because it's very hard,

as I said before.

So the meeting on the 13th meant that we

got the support of many individuals...

upstanding, loyal individuals,

that up to then, had still been

attached to the idea of absolute legality.

The meeting of the Central

was a kind of...

attempt to speed up the

project of reforms.

And many people advised

him not to do that meeting.

That, from a certain point of view,

it would mean an aggravation.

And that he should not announce

those reforms,

many of which would not

be possible to implement.

Then, I clearly remember Jango saying:

" I don't have a problem

with staying in office or leaving,

my problem is that I have

to carry out those reforms.

l'd rather fall,

but fall with my chin up."

RAlMUNDO ALMElDA MUST GO!

LET'S GO, ARRAES

THE PEOPLE CAN'T TAKE lT AN Y LONGER!

THlS TlME, THE GOVERNMEN AND THE PEOPLE ARE NOT ALONE!

HOUSEWlVES AGAlNST TAX DODGlNG

WOMEN'S LEAGUE lN THE STATE

OF GUANABARA:

FULL MONOPOLY NOW!

ALL THE OlL BELONGS TO PETROBRAS.

SUPPORTlNG JANGO'S BASE REFORMS

By the late afternoon,

200 thousand people gathered

at the Central Station square.

The crowd keyed the speakers up.

Jango did not disappoint.

By his side, his wife Maria Teresa

soothed the tension

of the moment.

On the same wooden stage

that Getlio Vargas used for

his public appearances,

Jango announced the

execution of his program.

A few hours before, he had signed the

decrees that expropriated unproductive lands

alongside federal highways and railroads

and took over private refineries.

AgricuItural workers will find

that their most important

and fairest claim

will have been met in many places.

The claim for a plot of land

in which to work.

A plot of land to harvest crops.

Then, that worker and his family,

his dejected family,

will be able to be their own bosses,

because up to now they've been working for

the owner of the land they rent,

or for the owner

of the land they loan.

Today, in the eyes of the nation,

with the solidarity

of the people united in this square,

a square that belongs

only to the people,

the government,

that also belongs to the people,

and to the people alone,

reaffirms its unshakable goal

to fight with all its might

to improve the Brazilian society

in a quest

Not only for agricuItural reform,

but also for tax reform.

For full electorial reform,

for illiterate vote,

for the eligibility of all Brazilians.

for the purity of democratic life,

for economic emancipation,

for social justice

and, together with its people,

for the progress of Brazil.

In So Paulo, the ruling class

was also mobilized against the reforms.

With the support of the state government,

the rural society and sections of the church,

the " family march, with God

and for freedom" was organized.

Veterans of '32 and members

of traditional families of So Paulo

held a rosary in one hand

and banners on the other,

with a few of their slogans:

" Civism shall kill communism." " In defense

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